Formal Ukraine-NATO Relations
A. Official Documents and Declarations
I. Background
The foreign policy of the Ukraine is characterized by ambiguity. On
the one hand, the ruling elite displays a clear preference towards the
West, and wishes to integrate the country into European and Euro-Atlantic
structures. On the other hand, the Ukraine is prevented from fully
associating with the West due to its strong dependence on Russian energy
and trade. The relationship with Russia is further excentuated by the presence
of a significant Russian minority within the country. This dilemma forces
the Ukraine to practice a foreign policy that refrains from adopting an
exclusively Western or Russian-friendly stance. Instead, it conducts a
multi-track foreign policy whose most significant feature is its lack of
membership within any collective defence arrangement.
The Ukraine is a member of OSCE and participates in the Euro-Atlantic
Partnership Council (EAPC) as well as Partnership for Peace (PfP). In 1997
Ukraine founded the GUAM Group along with Georgia, Azerbaijan, Moldova.
Uzbekistan joined in 1999 after having abandonned the Tashkent treaty.
This resulted in the addition of a further 'U' to the name of the organization,
now known as GUUAM. This organisation expresses a wish for close cooperation
with NATO. Large parts of the political elite, including the current government,
see the country's future to be in close association with the West. This
orientation can be recognised in the Foreign
Policy Priorities of Ukraine, in which integration into Western structures
is presented as a strategic goal. Besides cooperation within the frameworks
of PfP and EAPC, NATO signed a Charter
on a Distinctive Partnership between the NATO and Ukraine in 1997,
about two weeks after the signing of a Founding Act between NATO and Russia.
Its statements are confirmed in The
Alliance's Strategic Concept, issued April 24th, 1999. Additionally,
the U.S. position is laid out in the U.S.
Strategy for the 21st Century, issued by the U.S. Department of Defense
in December 2000.
At the Foreign Minister meeting of NATO in May 2002, the Final Communiqué
calls on both sides, NATO and the Ukraine to further enhance cooperation.
It is scheduled to be a subject for the meeting of the NATO-Ukraine Commission
at the level of Heads of State and Government at the Prague Summit in November
2002.
In the end of May 2002, the Ukrainian government has come forward with
statements abandoning Ukraine's long-pampered neutrality. Articles indicate
that the westward orientation and the long-term goal to join NATO is now
explicitly voiced. Next steps are expected at the next NUC session and
the Prague Summit. Click here for articles on this development: Ukraine
Declares Plans to Join NATO, by O. Varfolomeyev or Ukraine
Turns to NATO by Transitions online.
However, this objective runs counter to popular sentiment within the
country; where a majority of Ukrainians favour stronger ties with the Russian
Federation because of cultural-historical links. Additionally, a substantial
Russian minority lives in the Ukraine, to whom the Foreign
Policy Concept of the Russian Federation is of great importance. Russia
is also the country's largest single trading partner and energy supplier,
accounting for the large debt the Ukraine owes to this country. Last but
not least, the circumstance of the Ukraine being a former republic of the
USSR, as well as the existence of a common border with Russia, enhances
the Ukraine's importance for Russian security. Parts of the Russian political
elite have not fully accepted Ukrainian sovereignty and wish to integrate
the Ukraine and Belarus into a 'Slavic Federation' along with Russia.
While the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was designed to incorporate
all former USSR republics into a common framework, the Ukraine failed to
ratify the CIS treaty and thus lacks full membership status. It also abstained
from signing the Tashkent treaty in 1992, a collective defence commitment
between some CIS members. The Ukraine's failure to fully join CIS as well
as its rejection of the Tashkent treaty reflect a desire for the country
to preserve its independence.
With the signing of the Lisbon Treaty in May 1992, the Ukraine,
together with Belarus and Kazakhstan, joined the Non-Proliferation Treaty.
At the same time, they also committed themselves to eliminate all nuclear
weapons from its territory until 2007. Additionally, the three states and
Russia were recognized as the legal successors of the USSR for START purposes.
Further, the Ukraine is not a candidate state for accession to the
European Union but signed a Partnership
and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) with the EU in March 1998. The PCA
also provides for a security dialogue between both parties. The EU's approach
to the Ukraine is laid out in the EU
Common Strategy on Ukraine signed on December 11th, 1999. The last
EU-Ukraine
Summit in Yalta on September 11th, 2001 produced the most recent high-level
document detailing the state of the relations. Notable is the future participation
of the Ukraine in the European Conference.
Statements by the NATO-Ukraine-Commission (NUC)
Interparliamentary Cooperation
Some cooperation at Parliamentary level has taken place. See the press
release and the secretariat's
report on the set up of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly - Ukrainian
Parliament Joint Monitoring Group on the NATO-Ukraine Charter, 2-3 November
2000.
B. Speeches
-
NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson: Opening
Statement, Meeting of the NATO-Ukraine Commission at Foreign Ministers
Level, Brussels, 6 December 2001
-
NATO-Secretary General J. Solana: Opening
Statement, first session of the NATO-Ukraine Commission at Ministerial
Level, Brussels, 16 December 1997
-
President of Ukraine L. Kuchma: Opening
Statement, Signing Ceremony of the NATO-Ukraine Charter, Madrid, 9
July 1997
-
Ukrainian Minister of Foreign Affairs, H. Udovenko: European
Security: A Ukrainian View, XIIIth NATO Workshop, Warsaw, 19-23 June
1996
C. Research Studies
-
Sherr, J.: Ukraine's
Defence Reform: An Update, Conflict Studies Research Center, July 2002
-
Cohen, A.: Crisis
in Ukraine: U.S. Interests under Threat, Testimony before the Commission
on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Heritage Foundation, May 2001
-
Hawrylyshyn, B.: Ukraine
between East and West, North and South: Geopolitical options and constraints,
IER Working Paper 1, August 2000
-
Nation, J.:
NATO's relations with Russia and Ukraine, NATO Academic Forum Fellowship
June 2000
-
Tur, O.: NATO's
relations with Russia and Ukraine, NATO Academic Forum Fellowship June
2000
-
Oliker, O.: Ukraine
and the Caspian, Issue Paper 198 (2000), RAND Corp.
-
Murphy, R. et al: Collected
Papers: Ukraine in Europe, CSIS Occasional Reports September 1999
-
Ukraine-NATO:
The Verkhovna Rada Resolution, Monitoring - Foreign & Security
Policy of Ukraine, Occasional Paper 17/1999
-
Ponomareko, A.: Die
europäische Orientierung der Ukraine, Zentrum für Europäische
Integrationsforschung, Discussion paper C 39, 1999 (pdf)
-
Felgenhauer, T.: Ukraine,
Russia, and the Black Sea Fleet Accords, Woodrow Wilson School Case
Study 2/99 (Princeton)
-
Horbulin, V.: Ukraine's
Contribution to Security and Stability in Europe, NATO Review,
Autumn 1998
-
New
Concept of National Security of Ukraine, Monitoring - Foreign &
Security Policy of Ukraine, Occasional Paper 12/1997
-
Solana, J.: NATO:
Preparing for the Madrid Summit, La Revista de Defensa, March
1997
-
Lupiy, B.: Ukraine
And European Security, NATO Fellowship Report, 1996
-
Malinkovich, V.: The
Future of the Political Integration of the CIS Countries: The View From
Ukraine, in: Azrael, J. et al (eds.): Cooperation
and Conflict in the Former Soviet Union: Implications for Migration,
RAND Corporation, CF-130-CRES, 1996
-
van Ham, P.: Ukraine,
Russia and European security: implications for Western policy, Chaillot
Paper, February 1994
D. Parliamentary Reports
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